Examination Days: The New York African Free School Collection

The Common-place Web Library reviews and lists online resources and Websites likely to be of interest to our viewers. Each quarterly issue will feature one or more brief site reviews. The library itself will be an ongoing enterprise with regular new additions and amendments. So we encourage you to check it frequently. At the moment, the library is small, but with your help we expect it to grow rapidly. If you have suggestions for the Web Library, or for site reviews, please forward them to the Administrative Editor.


https://www.nyhistory.org/web/africanfreeschool/. Site content developed by Anna Mae Duane and Thomas Thurston. Website developed by Columbia University Digital Knowledge Ventures. Reviewed November 2011 to January 2012.

In recent years, there has been a sharp increase in scholarly studies about the history of childhood. In 2003, for example, the Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society (edited by Paula Fass) was published and included over 400 articles about issues pertaining to the history of children. Moreover, in 2008, the Johns Hopkins University began to publish the Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth to share new academic research about the history of children. Examining the history of childhood can be tremendously challenging, however. As leading historian of childhood Peter Stearns has pointed out, children rarely leave written records or speak for themselves.

The New York African Free School Collection

In an effort to address the challenges of finding primary sources by and about children, a Website hosted by the New-York Historical Society showcases a treasure trove of school records created by black children in nineteenth-century Manhattan. Examination Days: The New York African Free School Collection is a beautifully designed site that provides digitized documents from New York City’s African Free School.

The history of New York’s African Free School is a fascinating one and reveals much about the experiences of African American children. White abolitionists of the New York Manumission Society founded the first African Free School in 1787 to teach children subjects like reading, arithmetic, grammar, geography, and lessons in morality. The white founders of the school had a complex relationship with the black students. Whites claimed that it was their responsibility to rescue the children from lives of primitive culture, vice, and immorality. In spite of this paternalistic bent, however, African American students and their parents embraced education, hoping that schooling would improve the future lives of black children.

Examination Days: The New York African Free School Collection contains four types of material: digitized images of students’ schoolwork, a historical overview of the African Free School, biographical sketches of black leaders who graduated from the school, and two classroom guides. The digitized images come from one of the four volumes of African Free School documents housed at the New-York Historical Society, the Penmanship and Drawing Studies, 1816-26, Volume 4. Choosing to digitize the schoolwork images seems like a wise choice given that they provide insights into the experiences of black children themselves. The Website does not showcase the other three volumes of archival material, which primarily contain meeting minutes, reports of visiting committees, and public addresses. Until now, the four volumes of material from the African Free Schools have only been available for use within the New-York Historical Society manuscript collection.

The Website is simply elegant. Developed by the Columbia University Digital Knowledge Ventures (recently reorganized as the Center for Digital Research and Scholarship), the Website is extremely easy to navigate. Users can view thumbnail images of the primary documents, which have been meticulously prepared and organized. Once a document has been selected, a larger image of the original appears along with a description of the document and a transcript. Moreover, visitors can limit their search to specific genres of schoolwork, including cartography, literary work, or mathematics.

In addition to including these digitized documents, the Website also includes a thorough historical overview of the school, including a timeline of black history in New York City and an interactive map of black New York. This contextual information helps visitors to understand the racial climate in the city when the school opened.

The Website also contains biographical sketches of prominent graduates from the school, including controversial activist Henry Highland Garnet as well as Shakespearean actor Ira Aldridge. The site also provides a biography of Charles Andrews, the white schoolmaster who was dismissed for his support of colonization. Through these short biographies, the Website reveals the historical controversies over the goals and curriculum of the African Free School.

The materials on the site are useful for both researchers and secondary teachers. The site contains two classroom guides for use with students in grades 9-12. The lesson plans are extremely thorough and include primary documents from the Website as well as clearly articulated learning activities. The lesson plans could also be used in a variety of courses, including American History, English Literature, or African American History.

Examination Days: The New York African Free School Collection should be considered a model Website for showcasing archival material for both researchers interested in the history of children and K-12 classroom use.


Jane Dabel is an associate professor at California State University, Long Beach, and editor ofThe History Teacher. She is the author of A Respectable Woman: The Public Roles of African American Women in 19th-century New York City, and is currently working on a project about the experiences of black children in antebellum New York.

 




The Mark Twain Project Online and Mark Twain in His Times

The Common-place Web Library reviews and lists online resources and Websites likely to be of interest to our viewers. Each quarterly issue will feature one or more brief site reviews. The library itself will be an ongoing enterprise with regular new additions and amendments. So we encourage you to check it frequently. At the moment, the library is small, but with your help we expect it to grow rapidly. If you have suggestions for the Web Library, or for site reviews, please forward them to the Administrative Editor.

Few American authors have been as identifiable as Mark Twain, with his all-white suit, push-broom mustache, and unruly hair. A century after his death, many Americans recognize his photograph. However, most people probably do not know that in addition to writing, lecturing, and fashioning himself as a living myth, Twain also dabbled as an inventor of new technologies, eventually securing three patents. In fact, Twain was so keen on science and technology, and especially on the advance of printing technologies, that he sank $300,000 (nearly $7.6 million today) into the Paige typesetting machine, which was to revolutionize the printing industry. But the machine failed to take off, and in 1894 Twain filed for bankruptcy.

It seems fitting, then, that in the most recent chapter of the printing revolution—the Age of Digital Publishing—scholars, documentary editors, and archivists have taken their own innovative approaches to establishing an online presence for all-things-Twain. In the process, two Websites have set a new standard of excellence for digital archives and literary scholarship, essentially taking two important Twain collections out of their academic settings and offering them to the general public. The first, the Mark Twain Project Online (MTPO), is the database portion of the Mark Twain Papers & Project [http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/MTP/], a documentary editing venture started in the 1960s at the University of California-Berkeley; and the second, Mark Twain in His Times, is an interactive online archive and exhibit digitized from a portion of the University of Virginia’s Barrett Collection of American Literature.

12.2.Ross.1

The Mark Twain Project Online

According to its “About the Site” section, the Mark Twain Project Onlineis the product of “four decades’ worth of archival research” at Berkeley and elsewhere. In time, the efforts of that research, amounting to seventy volumes ofThe Works and Papers of Mark Twain (thirty volumes have been published), will be completely available online. For now, however, the MTPO is a good beginning, a functional resource that suggests how indispensable users will find the finished product.

From an aesthetic standpoint, the MTPO is very attractive, featuring a user-friendly home page with a two-column interface. Within those columns users will find information about the site and the project, a detailed user guide, and a link (“innovative technology” in the “About This Site” section) to a lengthy “Online Technical Summary” which explains how the creators of theMTPO conceived of and realized the site.

The heart of the MTPO, however, appears in a horizontal navigation bar at the top of the screen. There, users find links to the various databases maintained by the site, including “Letters” (incoming and outgoing), “Writings,” “Images,” and “Biographies” (featuring links to nearly seventy biographical sketches of Twain contemporaries who appear in the databases). While the databases are all searchable (and contain helpful searching tips), many of them also feature a left-hand sidebar that allows the user to browse by decade, material format, names, repository, or availability (since only a small, but growing, percentage of Twain’s papers are available in full-text or as digital scans).

The breadth of material in the MTPO is seemingly limitless, and though the site would be useful for any one with an interest in Twain or in nineteenth-century American literature in general, the potential searching and browsing combinations could overwhelm even the most seasoned researcher. Fortunately, the design of each database is fairly straightforward and, in fact, seems to encourage cross-database queries.

For example, one could use the “Letters” section to browse through Twain’s correspondence from the 1870s (3,622 of the 31,000-plus letters indexed on the site) to discover communications with other writers, and become interested by the literary and cultural views of the critic and novelist William Dean Howells (257 letters in the 1870s, 909 letters total). After reading a few exchanges between Twain and Howells, the user might become eager to learn more about their friendship. Conveniently, the user could visit the “Writings” section to searchThe Autobiography of Mark Twain (a surprise bestseller published by the University of California Press in November 2010) for anecdotes about Howells and other contemporaries.

12.2.Ross.2

Mark Twain in His Times

Though no less valuable than theMTPO, the University of Virginia’s Mark Twain in His Timesopts for a more exhibit-oriented approach, aimed at “readers, scholars, students, and teachers.” Curated by Professor Stephen Railton of the UVA Department of English, the site includes images of manuscripts, contemporary reviews and articles, games (such as a “Memory Builder” game Twain designed to help his children remember the English monarchs), and descriptions of Twain collectibles (including dolls, flour, shoes, and cookbooks).

The layout of the home page is clear and easy to navigate, featuring twelve boxes containing links to mini-exhibits on important aspects of Twain’s professional and personal identities. Six of the boxes pertain to Twain’s most famous publications, including Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer. Three of the boxes address other aspects of Twain’s life and career (one on Twain the Lecturer, one on the marketing of Twain’s books, and another on the divide between Twain’s public and private personas). The remaining three boxes are included for navigational purposes. “About the Site” allows the user to learn more about Mark Twain in His Times and offers tutorials about how to use the site. “Sample This Site” gives the user a broad idea of what types of information are contained in the archives. “Search” links to not just one search function, but five. The user can search: 1) the entire site; 2) Twain’s works; 3) reviews of his books and lectures; 4) obituaries of Twain; or 5) the texts, reviews, and obituaries together.

These features are significantly supplemented and enhanced by hundreds of well-chosen illustrations. Browsing, the user may find articles about the representation of Jim in Huckleberry Finn, supported by the abhorrent cartoons used in the book’s earliest editions. One may find reviews of Twain’s lectures, replete with photographs and audio from his never-ending circuit tour. Or one might come across an article about the marketing of Twain’s books, featuring images of the sales prospectus used by door-to-door salesmen as they pitched Tom Sawyer to readers in Abilene and elsewhere.

In designing easy-to-use, comprehensive digital archives on the life and times of Mark Twain, the teams at Berkeley and UVA have provided users with two definitive online resources for all-things-Twain. One of the main reasons the sites are so valuable is that their creators have shown an implicit understanding of the importance of user accessibility, one of the key elements in maintaining successful digital archives. Thus, it seems safe to say that as long as both projects maintain focus on the user, their digital archives will remain vital resources for the abiding legions of Twain fans.


 

Ryan A. Ross is an archivist at the Illinois History and Lincoln Collections in the University of Illinois Library at Urbana-Champaign.




University of Nebraska’s Center for Digital Research in the Humanities Projects and Publications

The Common-place Web Library reviews and lists online resources and Websites likely to be of interest to our viewers. Each quarterly issue will feature one or more brief site reviews. The library itself will be an ongoing enterprise with regular new additions and amendments. So we encourage you to check it frequently. At the moment, the library is small, but with your help we expect it to grow rapidly. If you have suggestions for the Web Library, or for site reviews, please forward them to the Administrative Editor.

http://cdrh.unl.edu/projects/projects_publications.php.

Although the Center for Digital Research hosts nearly thirty different Website projects, this review focuses on two of those particular projects. One is titled “American Indian Treaties Portal,” and the other is titled “Omaha Indian Heritage.” Each provides valuable services to a wide range of parties in terms of content. However, the delivery of that content is not as accessible or effectively organized as one might like.

The “American Indian Treaties Portal” appears to be the creation of Dr. Charles D. Bernholz, the Government Documents librarian at the University of Nebraska in Lincoln. Clicking on the title link brings the reader to a page that lists eight different topics related to American Indian treaties. The diverse topics range from nine early agreements not included in Charles Kappler’s famous published collection of treaties to a textual analysis of all 375 acknowledged Indian treaties using software known as TokenX. Similarly, the method of presentation includes everything from a brief biography of Charles Kappler to a list of links to articles written primarily by Bernholz about treaties mentioned in federal court cases. In that respect it would first appear that there is something for everyone on this site. Civil War aficionados may very well be intrigued by the link to all of the treaties negotiated by the Confederate States of America with the Indian nations residing west of the Mississippi River in Indian Territory in 1861. For specialists in American Indian history, the in-depth analysis of the variations of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851 is both informative and comprehensive.12.1.Bowes.1

Yet even as the breadth of information presented is wonderful to see, the organization of the material needs improvement. In short, it is not clear if there is a specific target audience for the site. More than anything, the collection at the moment appears to reflect the particular interest and focus of Dr. Bernholz more than it does the demands of any specific audience. For example, while a comprehensive textual analysis of all the Indian treaties recorded in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is enlightening, the information is presented within a technical discussion that makes most of the important conclusions too difficult to find.

By clicking on the project description found on the “Omaha Indian Heritage” site, the reader sees that it is “an effort to make Omaha artifacts and photographic images more available.” This effort is represented by four categories of materials. First, the online texts section contains links to twenty-one articles written since 1881 on Omaha life and history. The second and third categories are photographs from the 1850s to the 1930s, and artifacts from a host of domestic and international museums and historical societies. The fourth and final section provides links to additional online cultural and historical resources for those interested in learning more about the Omaha people.

As with the Indian treaties portal, the intended audience for this site is not altogether clear. Perhaps the goal is simply to create a platform for further investigation by anyone who wants to learn more about the Omahas. If that is the case, however, more direction is necessary. The photographs, while interesting, have very brief captions that at times identify the individuals in the image and provide nothing more. And while the collection of artifacts is impressive, the descriptors given for each image appear to be only the cataloguing information crafted by each holding institution.

Each of these two Websites contains important information for anyone interested in the respective histories of treaties and the Omaha Indians. Both are easy to navigate, and the overall presentation of the material is straightforward. At the same time, however, the sites themselves do not contain the structure and direction necessary to make all of that information as accessible and valuable as it could be.


John P. Bowes is an associate professor of history at Eastern Kentucky University and the author of Exiles and Pioneers: Eastern Indians in the Trans-Mississippi West (2007).




Missouri Digital Heritage

The Common-place Web Library reviews and lists online resources and Websites likely to be of interest to our viewers. Each quarterly issue will feature one or more brief site reviews. The library itself will be an ongoing enterprise with regular new additions and amendments. So we encourage you to check it frequently. At the moment, the library is small, but with your help we expect it to grow rapidly. If you have suggestions for the Web Library, or for site reviews, please forward them to the Administrative Editor.

http://www.sos.mo.gov/mdh/

In 2007, Missouri’s Secretary of State Robin Carnahan proposed an initiative to increase public access to materials relevant to the history of the state. The resulting Website, Missouri Digital Heritage, created in conjunction with the Missouri State Library, the Missouri State Archives, and the State Historical Society of Missouri, is already sufficiently developed to make it a necessary first stop for anyone interested in the history of Missouri. Although the purported goal is to “further Missourians’ access,” anyone can mine this ambitious site to good effect.

One impressive and very useful feature of the site lies in its function as a central clearinghouse for information about the state. In an effort to be comprehensive, the site’s creators are engaged in “assisting institutions across the state in digitizing their records and placing them online for easy access.” What that means in practice is that much of the preliminary, time-consuming work involved in searching the Web for credible, usable sources can be avoided; the task has already been performed by careful teams of archivists and curators.11.4.Cleary.1

Under varied topic headings—such as agriculture, cultures and communities, newspapers, county and municipal records, exploration and settlement, family and faith, and many others—the site offers links to materials from libraries, museums, government agencies, and universities throughout the state. Links to outside Websites of interest, including brief descriptions, direct visitors to such varied items as an online map exhibit from the St. Louis Public Library; “Quest for the Cure: Care and Treatment in Missouri’s First State Mental Hospital,” from the Missouri State Archives; an illustrated history of the Missouri Botanical Garden (1800-1920), contributed by that institution; and the Grayson Archery Collection from the University of Missouri Museum of Anthropology.

The merits of this collaborative enterprise become clear when one clicks on the collection heading “St. Louis Circuit Court Historical Records Project.” This gateway leads to “digitized collections of court files relating to Lewis & Clark, Native Americans, the fur trade, and slave freedom suits,” including a database of all court cases, beginning in 1804. The introduction to these materials details what has been processed: 86 cubic feet of records covering the period 1804-1835 and 39 cubic feet of selected cases post-1835 (as of February 2006). A keyword searchable database for the digitized records works well. Typing in “Lisa” for Manuel Lisa as a search term generates several cases. Clicking on “view case” brings up six pages of very high quality images. The paper may be torn and the ink faded, but the researcher can view the manuscripts carefully, using both a link for a larger image and the zoom function on a computer to enlarge the image exponentially, a helpful tool for reading such documents. The “Freedom Suits” section includes 301 petitions from 1814 to 1860; “Fur Trade Cases” includes 82 cases regarding Missouri and neighboring territories; and “Native American Suits” includes 32 cases involving Native Americans.

For researchers, the “Archives and Manuscripts Collections Guides” section offers finding aids and detailed descriptions for Missouri records. Of broad interest and vast potential usefulness are areas covered by the Missouri State Archives: the “Missouri Birth & Death Records Database Pre-1910” and the “Missouri Coroner’s Inquest Database,” covering the period 1842-1932, both contain huge amounts of data. On the latter, records are searchable but not reproduced. Searching this author’s surname generates eight results, covering such causes of death as “Justifiable Homicide,” “Run Over By Train,” and “Visitation Of God in A Natural Way.” For more details on these cases, one would need to request copies of the records directly from the state archives; an e-mail link is provided for doing so. Under “Collections,” one can also examine the Registre d’Arpentage, the French register created by surveyor Antoine Pierre Souland (1766-1825), including maps and details of 710 land grants.

A quick overview of the site demonstrates that the myriad topics it highlights will interest scholars, students, and teachers beyond Missouri. Civil War buffs, for example, might explore online newspaper collections, searchable and in facsimile, such as the Cape Girardeau Argus, 1863-1871. Typing the term “emancipation” into the search engine generates 44 hits. One can click on the featured issues, where the term appears on flagged pages in highlighted text. Following links to the Dred Scott Case Collection, from Washington University’s library, a reader can access 111 documents in a full-text searchable form.

This Website is a welcome and important addition to resources available on nineteenth- and twentieth-century U.S. history. The government initiative behind this effort to preserve the past and make it accessible is a laudable one; clearly, the “Show Me” state has much to share.


Patricia Cleary is a professor in the Department of History at California State University, Long Beach, and is the author of The World, the Flesh, and the Devil: A History of Colonial St. Louis (2011).




The Quilt Index

The Common-place Web Library reviews and lists online resources and Websites likely to be of interest to our viewers. Each quarterly issue will feature one or more brief site reviews. The library itself will be an ongoing enterprise with regular new additions and amendments. So we encourage you to check it frequently. At the moment, the library is small, but with your help we expect it to grow rapidly. If you have suggestions for the Web Library, or for site reviews, please forward them to the Administrative Editor.

www.quiltindex.org

Quilt-making is often imagined as something grandmothers—your own or someone else’s—did in some timeless past. Interest in quilt-making has grown significantly in recent decades, however. The United States bicentennial sparked a renewed interest in both handicrafts and American history. Since that time, several state-wide projects have documented historic quilts held by museums and in private collections. Harnessing the power of the Internet, The Quilt Index [http://www.quiltindex.org/] now unites sixteen state quilt documentation projects with the holdings of several museums and private collections in a searchable database that will appeal to scholars and the quilt-loving public alike.

Quilt scholarship exploded in the early 1990s. As interest in quilt research grew, so did demand for a single computerized bibliography that could bring together state and regional quilt documentation projects with scholarship in the decorative arts to make quilts and quilt scholarship accessible both to scholars and the interested public. The resulting Quilt Index is a partnership of The Alliance for American Quilts, MATRIX: The Center for Humane Arts, Letters and Social Sciences Online at Michigan State University, and the Michigan State University Museum. Since its 2003 launch, funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities and other sources have enabled a dramatic expansion in its holdings. Years of planning and research have produced a user-friendly searchable database that provides unprecedented access to quilts held by a number of museums and many more private collections, as well as interpretative essays and educational materials written by leading quilt curators and scholars.

The Quilt Index is an invaluable research and reference tool that includes images of and information on more than 50,000 quilts. Many of these quilts are held by private collectors or hidden away in museum storage areas, making them otherwise inaccessible to interested viewers. Quilt Index users can easily browse these holdings by collection, style, time period, quilt pattern, purpose, and location of production. While this browse feature would be of interest to quilt lovers, it is perhaps most useful as a starting point for research. It provides a good introduction to what types of quilts are accessible through the Index, and to the site’s cataloging system. Not surprisingly, the majority of the Index’s quilts date from the mid-nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries, when quilting was most popular in the United States. Its holdings are geographically concentrated in the Midwest and Upper South, where state documentation projects have been strongest. The Hawaiian Quilt Research Project brings stylistic as well as geographic diversity to the Index. While it is designed to also accommodate the global nature of quilting, at present the Index’s holdings are almost exclusively from the United States.

Researchers will benefit tremendously from the ability to search the database by several well-designed categories of information. These include: pattern name; quiltmaker; location; date; materials; fabric patterns; publications, exhibitions or contests in which the quilt appeared; and religious, ethnic, and/or cultural affiliation of the maker. The primary shortcoming for this cataloging system is one already familiar to quilt researchers: similar quilt patterns have been known by many different names. While some catalog entries list multiple variations under the pattern name, most list only one. Searching for “monkey wrench” and “churn dash” yields different lists of quilts with extremely similar quilt blocks featuring four pieced rectangles arranged in a square, with a triangle extending out from each corner. At the same time, searching for “churn dash” quilts also yields a quilt that features only Baltimore Album-style appliqué blocks. The Website’s new visual mapping initiative seeks to alleviate this problem by enabling users to search by the appearance of a block rather than by its various names.

Researchers and lay users alike will enjoy comparing quilts made from similar patterns, or quilts from a particular location or period. The default “list” display setting shows a thumbnail image of each quilt, along with its title and maker (if known), its date or date range, and the collection to which it belongs. For those more interested in viewing many quilts simultaneously, selecting the “grid” display will show images of search results in groups of sixty. From either the list or grid of search results, visitors can then click on individual quilts to read more and to see larger images of that quilt. Selecting “basic info” provides the information most users will be looking for in a user-friendly format; “full record” contains all available information on that quilt. Researchers and quilt lovers alike will appreciate the ability to drag a zoom box over images of full quilts. Utilizing the “compare” feature from either the list or grid display aligns two or more quilts for side-by-side comparison. Click on one or more of the thumbnail images to expand them; click again to close the larger image and return to the comparison screen.11.2.Prescott.1

For example, a search for crazy quilts yielded 3,566 results; limiting the search to those made between 1876 and 1900 yielded 1,752. (Because additional detail photographs made available for some quilts appear as separate search results, this slightly exaggerates the number of crazy quilts in the Index. Limiting by the 1876-1900 date range likely excluded a few quilts from those years because not all contributors grouped quilts by period, and production dates are not available for all quilts.) Taken as a whole, this search reveals the diversity of wild quilts made at the height of the crazy quilt craze, when middle-class American women combined odd-shaped pieces of rich velvet and satin with skilled embroidery, painting, and a good bit of whimsy. Comparing these quilts might reveal regional variations or change over time within one region’s crazy quilt designs. Studying multiple quilts made by the same quilter could highlight her technical and artistic development over time. Because many quiltmakers incorporated memorabilia into their crazy quilts, these quilts might also reveal aspects of their makers’ daily lives that are not available in the written sources normally utilized by social historians.

One particularly intriguing new feature is the “signature quilt” search function, which features name and location data for about fifty quilts with multiple signatures. Friendship, Album, or Presentation quilts were made either to remind their owners of loved ones who were moving away or to honor a special individual within the community. Other signature quilts were made as fundraisers, often charging individuals for the privilege of including their name on the quilt. Although this selection represents only a tiny subset of the vast Quilt Index, the signature quilt search holds particularly rich potential for researchers to study not only the history of the quilts themselves but also the social networks of the quilters and their broader community.

For those who prefer admiring quilts to studying them, The Quilt Index Website offers virtual museum galleries that feature images of thematic collection of quilts, accompanied by an essay about that collection written by its curator. The “Essays” page also includes virtual versions of physical museum exhibits and other essays and presentations developed for The Quilt Index. Quilt lovers will also appreciate the “Quilt of the Day” in the “News” section, which highlights the diversity of the collections available through the Index.

The Quilt Index also offers a series of lesson plans that utilize quilts to teach art, graphic design, and history. Although these lesson plans are designed for high school classrooms, they could easily be adapted for middle school or college level students. Lesson plans tailored to elementary-aged children would be a welcome addition

The Quilt Index is both a valuable research tool and an engaging Website. Its value will continue to grow with additions of more quilt collections. New initiatives underway in visual searching, mapping, and internationalization promise much. In the meantime, researchers, students and the general public will benefit from this enormous virtual collection of American quilts.


Cynthia Culver Prescott is an assistant professor of history at the University of North Dakota, specializing in gender, families, and material culture in the American West. She is the author ofGender and Generation on the Far Western Frontier (2007).




Imperial Enlightenment

John Dixon, The Enlightenment of Cadwallader Colden. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2016. 243 pp., $35.

John Dixon’s welcome study of Cadwallader Colden is the most comprehensive of the few biographies we have of this important North Briton colonial. Dixon’s brief book attempts a narrative of Colden’s life, an analysis of his important intellectual efforts, and an evaluation of his varied political career. His broad thesis is that Colden’s lifework and philosophy were part of a different and less understood moderate Enlightenment based on “Imperialism, elitism, and conservatism” (7). In this vein, Dixon is spot-on. As he notes, the Enlightenment in America has too long been imagined as a teleology of the American Revolution (167). Colden’s brand of Imperial fealty, elite scientific debate, and conservative political values were at the center of the British Enlightenment, and Dixon’s book is an important entry point into this world. Where Dixon’s book falters is in its ambitious breadth and its lack of engagement with the historiographical debates his subject calls to attention. The Enlightenment of Cadwallader Colden is a breezy 167 pages (243 pages with notes and index) and tries to encompass Colden’s personal life, his historical and scientific contributions, and his political career, philosophy, and writing. As such it necessarily treads lightly even where the subject requires more weight. Perhaps most disappointing is Dixon’s failure to engage with the literature on the creation of a British identity by “North Britons” or Scots dedicated to an Imperial Atlantic (see, for example, the work of David Armitage). This leads Dixon to pass up an important opportunity to study the new patronage-driven Imperial and royal British identity at the center of Colden’s Enlightenment—and which Colden so obviously represents.

Dixon’s study is divided into three sections that encompass Colden’s education (“Beginnings”), his scientific and other intellectual ideas or efforts (“Active Matters”), and his political career (“Politics”). This framework is held together via the narrative of Colden’s life as he departs Scotland, settles in British North America, and becomes a gentleman scholar holding the political offices and power he ambitiously pursued—culminating in his position as lieutenant governor (and acting governor) of New York on the eve of the American Revolution. As Dixon ably represents, Colden is a fascinating polymath. His maps, reports, and book on the Iroquois were seminal and important contributions to Imperial science and politics and made Colden the “leading British authority on the history and geography of New York” (77). Also of interest, and adroitly discussed in Dixon’s book, are Colden’s obvious failures in his purely scientific pursuits. Colden jumped feet-first into some of the most intensely theoretical debates of the eighteenth century. At question was the nature of matter—and thus of the universe and of God’s relationship or lack thereof with His creations. Covered in greater depth in Alfred Hoermann’s largely forgotten intellectual biography of Colden, this is no easy slog and requires a mastery of philosophical ideas not at the center of the American historical canon. Here also a central tenet of Dixon’s elite conservative Enlightenment is made explicit: the matter of consequence at the center of these transatlantic discussions was not so much how the universe worked per se, but how it worked in its relationship to God. If, as proponents of Mechanism argued, the universe had been set in motion by a distant “unmoved mover,” why need God  exist? A clockwork universe set in motion by what Samuel Clarke called a “do-nothing King” was a gateway to atheism and chaos. On the other hand, if matter itself contained agency or motion as a quality imbedded in its creation, the religious consequences were equally perilous. Deeply religious thinkers like Isaac Newton in his 1730 Opticks imagined the universe as God’s “boundless uniform Sensorium,” where God’s literal and constant will was the motor logic of all planetary and material movement. Colden’s unsuccessful challenge to Newton was also shaped by the same religious constraints. As such, then, some of the most important Enlightenment era scientific debates were shaped not by empirical analysis but by the religious beliefs and sensibilities critical to contemporaries’ vision of themselves in the universe.

Colden’s forays into these hypothetical discussions failed miserably to impress his contemporaries, but he enjoyed a number of other scientific contributions, in botany, for example, that contributed to his intellectual renown. He was, however, eminently more successful in the political realm, and Dixon’s analysis of Colden is critical to understanding a world now lost. As Dixon notes, the American Revolution and the various documents and principles stated therein have shaped and defined our understanding of the Enlightenment in America (7). Imagined this way, the Revolution stands as a seminal moment in the American Enlightenment and the nation’s founding documents its arias. Following this logic, the political principles and hierarchies at the center of the Empire are cast as unenlightened systems of exploitation and oppression foisted on colonials by arrogant Britons and overturned by the enlightened Revolutionaries. Dixon’s biography of Colden provides an important counter to that narrative and resurrects Colden as an important Enlightenment political figure loyal to the Empire and what Dixon refers to as the “national interest” (67). In both his service as surveyor general, lieutenant governor, acting governor and other lesser offices—as well as his factional struggles, Colden was driven by Enlightened and decidedly British political ideals, such as the balance of power seated in the unwritten British constitution (138).  It is here, however, where Dixon’s analysis misses an opportunity to explain the complexity of Imperial politics, the new transnational British identity, and pre-Revolutionary socio-political relationships.

The broader confusion surrounding these ideas shone forth for me the other day as I sat with my daughter watching—for the first and last time—the film version of James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans (1992). There is much to regret in this romantic romp, but when a British soldier—likely a Scot—screamed out to the startled Indians, “England is sovereign!” I was definitely confused. Colden was the prototypical North Briton whose Imperial allegiance was part of the construction of a transnational “royal,” Imperial, and British identity based on patronage, and critical to understanding the Enlightenment nature of the British Empire. The British Empire and the consequent British identity (not English) were created by transient men and women—for well-known historical reasons, many of them Scots—who set out on watery domains, constructing along the way new social and transnational political identities that were, in their day, a contagion for new ways of looking at the world. They created a commercial, political, and intellectual world based on political love for a monarch, economic interest in an Imperial (not national) world  order, and a desire for stability and what they understood as progress.

But why does this matter for Dixon’s book? Missed opportunities abound in all books and it is a valuable axiom of reviewers to not criticize an author for a book he or she did not write. It matters because Dixon fails to adequately explore or explain the socio-political relationships that drove men like Colden in the Imperial world and are critical to the very Enlightenment he seeks to spotlight. Colden is presented by Dixon variously as a reformer against “corruption” for “the national interest” (67) and then, conversely, as a “corrupt” politician who as surveyor general manipulated land grants to his and then Governor Cosby’s favor (94). The word “corruption” is bandied about rather loosely here, with men seeking to profit from their political relationships and positions imagined as morally suspect. Dixon, for example, presents Horace Walpole, British Auditor General of the Plantations, as “corrupt” for upholding the royal prerogative and collecting fees related to auditing the revenue of New York (68). Walpole was, of course, entitled to demand such fees (and send a deputy in his place). Indeed, New York’s reluctance to pay such fees was an illegal and dangerous challenge to the Imperial order—and Colden’s Enlightenment. This characterization of colonial politics as inherently corrupt even when lawful is consistent with the familiar narrative that usually culminates with the old world order swept away by a better democratic future. The corruption Dixon alludes to, however, is the machinery of a political, social, and economic structure based on patronage. Further, patronage, and the consequent corruption, as Alexander Hamilton noted, were the genius of the British political system, bringing men into political and economic relationships that wove together and transformed often competing ethno-religious-kinship networks—therein bringing stability and prosperity to the British Empire and to British North America. In other words, patronage, and the seeming corruption at its heart, were critical to the transnational British Imperial identity and system at the center of Colden’s Enlightenment.

Colden benefitted throughout his life from this elite and conservative Imperial Enlightenment. It brought him power, prosperity, and the leisure and license to pursue scientific ideas which, though they often failed him, were critical to his worldview and sense of purpose. He was not the author of these political and social structures, but he was their loyal servant, and as such his life, and Dixon’s book, offer us an excellent entry point into this world long-lost.

 

This article originally appeared in issue 17.4 (Summer, 2017).


Jose R. Torre is an associate professor and chair of the History Department, College at Brockport. He is the editor of The Enlightenment in America, four volumes (2010).

 

 

 

 




A Lost Cause

Kevin T. Barksdale, The Lost State of Franklin: America's First Secession. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2009. 250 pp., hardcover, $50.00.
Kevin T. Barksdale, The Lost State of Franklin: America’s First Secession. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2009. 250 pp., hardcover, $50.00.

Kevin Barksdale’s new book, The Lost State of Franklin: America’s First Secession, describes the trials and many tribulations of a handful of settlers in the Tennessee Valley who bumbled through a short-lived effort to become America’s fourteenth state. Perhaps “bumbled” is unfair. The ambitions and deep convictions of those who forged the state of Franklin out of the North Carolina backcountry fueled fierce conflicts, both rhetorical and physical, that seared long-lasting legacies into the local history of east Tennessee.

But sometimes, the Franklinites’ desperate quest for legitimacy led to episodes that were downright funny. Throughout the Franklinites brief claim to statehood between 1784 and 1788, nobody gave them much respect. North Carolina would not recognize them. Congress did not support them. When the Franklinites sent a delegate to New York to lobby Congress for recognition, Patrick Henry observed that the “mission was fruitless” (67). At one low point, the Franklinites decided that the only person who might lend them some credibility was Franklin himself—Benjamin, that is—so they wrote the aging founder to see if he might back them up. Franklin never replied. Meanwhile, in east Tennessee, infighting over statehood ripped the region apart, at one point bringing the two partisan leaders, John Sevier and John Tipton, to fisticuffs in open court. Desperate to hang on to their dream, the Franklin lobby appealed to the state of Georgia for recognition. They toyed with the idea of annexing themselves to Spain. They carried on in their seemingly quixotic quest for statehood until, finally, Franklin was “lost.”

The Franklin statehood movement emerged out of a context in which meanings of statehood and sovereignty were profoundly unclear and dangerously fragile. In elaborate detail, Barksdale documents the ways that Franklin’s leadership navigated such ambiguity to claim political legitimacy. North Carolina legislators initially claimed sovereignty over the Tennessee Valley but ceded their western lands to Congress in 1784. The state of Franklin emerged out of this cession, its leaders asserting that local sovereignty was the only way to protect the interests of backcountry settlers. Almost immediately, North Carolina legislators changed their minds and took back the land they had just ceded to Congress. The result was overlapping claims that created, as one observer noted, a “strange spectacle of two empires exercising at one and the same time over one and the same people” (73). Add to this mix resident Cherokee and Creek people who were, in turn, also struggling to redefine Indian sovereignty amidst internal dissent. The result was a volatile set of competing claims, each as legitimate (or ephemeral, depending on perspective) as the next. 

The Lost State of Franklin presents a fascinating portrait of Franklin’s history, but remains largely local in focus. Barksdale closely documents negotiations within the state, yet rarely steps outside of regional conflicts to explain the broader consequences of backcountry instability. To the detriment of his overall argument, Barksdale’s narrative remains bounded by long-standing historiographical debates over the nature of the Franklin enterprise: were the Franklinites loyal patriots, following in the revolutionary tradition, or were they disloyal opportunists scheming against the new republic? Barksdale charts out a path between these two positions, pointing out that Franklin’s leadership was all of these things at once.

But Franklin’s significance was really far bigger than that. In the late eighteenth century, the Franklinites’ claims to sovereignty compounded pressures emerging along the western borders of New York, Virginia, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. As Patrick Griffin has powerfully argued in American Leviathan, the ambiguity of sovereignty in the early national West granted backcountry settlers enormous license to invent and re-invent structures of authority and legitimacy. The sovereign vacuum created by the inability of any power to serve the needs of backcountry settlers politicized the early national West. The state of Franklin was but one of many movements for self-sovereignty to emerge in the wake of war. Taken together, the reality and variety of creative self-sovereignty forced early national leadership to take note and to seek remedies against the increasingly real possibilities of fragmentation and disunion in the backcountry.

Questions about the broader implications of Franklin’s claims to sovereignty loom large in Barksdale’s analysis but seldom take center stage. Instead, the author delves deep into the personal and financial motivations of Franklin’s leaders and argues that Franklin emerged out of the “regional influence [of the ruling class], their shared wartime and frontier experiences, and their collective political and financial interests” (15). Local politics and regional demands fueled the Franklin movement. Yet, while such local motivations were certainly central, they tell only part of the story. Barksdale could have granted Franklin a much greater significance by placing it within the larger framework of political experimentation and creative invention that characterized the post-war frontier. Doing so would have positioned Franklin within a much broader context to explain how the collective pressures of backcountry claims to sovereignty forced early national leaders to recognize the fragility of their hold on western populations.

In many ways, the most interesting part of Barksdale’s analysis lies in his descriptions of what has happened to the state of Franklin since the eighteenth century. In the two hundred plus years since the Franklin experiment, historians have interpreted the episode in ways that reflect variously noble, patriotic, ruthless, insidious, and downright shady motives. One of the most compelling aspects of Barksdale’s work is his description of Franklin’s historiographic malleability. The conflicts that emerged in east Tennessee persisted in memory as “the continued evolution of the meaning of Franklin allowed several prominent American figures to recast the movement for their own political purposes” (163). The very title of his book points to the loaded historiographical baggage that weighs on the Franklin story. Franklin was not always “lost,” but became so during the 1880s when historians looked to the episode as east Tennessee’s own version of the “Lost Cause.” Only after the Civil War did southern historians champion Franklin as “America’s first secession” movement, vindicating the ambitions of backcountry separatists against the invasive claims of North Carolina.

Of course, there is deep irony in claiming Franklin as “lost” as a means to vindicate states’ rights ideology. The Franklinites’ whole crusade emerged during a moment when the very idea of statehood was profoundly vague. Their creative attempts to carve a new state out of the Tennessee Valley amid the chaos that followed the American Revolution raised the very questions from which the meaning of statehood emerged. The state of Franklin forced early national leadership to face core questions about what a state should be and how it should be constituted. Labeling the Franklin movement as “America’s First Secession,” therefore, grants early national concepts of statehood a level of coherence and stability possible only in hindsight.

 

This article originally appeared in issue 9.4 (July, 2009).


Honor Sachs teaches at Southern Connecticut State University. Her book, Chosen Land: The Legal Creation of White Manhood on the Eighteenth-Century Kentucky Frontier, is forthcoming. She lives in New Haven, Connecticut, with her dog, Blue.




On the margins of the margin

In this wonderful snapshot of the relationship between economic systems and social hierarchies in eighteenth-century New York, Serena Zabin offers an exciting view of life on the margins in the imperial city. For starters, Zabin views New York not as a colonial frontier but rather as an imperial outpost, and she suggests that this vantage is key to understanding how New Yorkers understood themselves and their world at the time—on the margins of empire. Life on the margins of empire was filled with characters generally thought to be marginal to the real elites, politicians, and power brokers in England. But Zabin persuasively demonstrates that work done by poor and middling white women, slaves, servants, sailors, and dance masters was much more central to the imperial struggle for status and authority than previously thought.

Imperial New Yorkers were obsessed with appearance and representation, as traditional markers of class status were no longer reliable.

Central to women’s economic authority were their relationships with others—mostly men who had the legal standing necessary to conduct business or access to wealth and markets, but also women in the form of family networks. Expanding efforts to understand the significance of marriage and family in women’s lives, Zabin finds agency where most historians see only oppression: the law of coverture. Zabin writes, “Coverture reveals not the ways in which women’s participation in the market was limited but the ways in which it was channeled” (35). Women navigated the market through their relationships. Though legally erased through the laws of coverture, married women used their marital status for social and economic leverage in order to acquire credit, information, respect, and access to markets, goods, and services. Such astute observations substantiate the book’s arguments. Still, the bigger story is how women’s work gets hidden in the archives. Historians well know that commonly referenced “court records and city directories” only list occupations of men, but Zabin points out that even when women had the chance to testify about their work in court trials, they neglected to identify their occupations and rather “defined themselves by their husbands’ occupation” (39).

The author is a master storyteller whose clear prose and arresting plot lines never betray her thesis. The story of shopkeeper Elizabeth Anderson stands as a perfect example. This compelling, horrific account demonstrates in small part the antagonism that business women were subject to and the centrality of economics to every level of social interaction and authority. When Anderson pursued a group of men who had attempted to rape her daughter Mary, the accused took revenge by trying to destroy her business and reputation. While the case went to trial, it had the unseemly outcome of the public whipping of Elizabeth (you’ll have to read the book to find out why). Yet the trial itself is secondary to what the incident reveals about the importance of economics and status.

Zabin’s treatment of the alleged 1741 slave conspiracy further emphasizes the tight fit between social and economic forces. While many historians have embraced the evidence suggesting a planned slave insurrection, Zabin relegates most of the conspiracy story to a footnote and shows instead how economic roles shaped the hearings, ruling, and outcome of the trials. Most people involved, aside from Justice Daniel Horsmanden, distanced themselves from the event and moved on. Zabin concludes that “this failed attempt to violently re-inscribe social order through courtroom drama exemplifies the enduring power of New York’s economic culture over the simple ideology of white over black often associated with colonial America” (132).

The remainder of the book examines the use of credit, the role of consumer goods, and the treatment of prisoners of war. Here, Zabin offers us stories of social, cultural, and economic fluidity. Social hierarchies were weakened and appearance mattered. Zabin details the different forms of currency available in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the way that access to credit was linked to “cultural assumptions of trustworthiness”—assumptions increasingly threatened by con artists who “used commercial markers of gentlemanly status, such as fashionable clothes and letters of introduction, in order to exploit the modes of commercial exchange that depended on both personal interactions and long-distance exchange” (31).

Imperial New Yorkers were obsessed with appearance and representation, as traditional markers of class status were no longer reliable. How else could people determine their social betters and inferiors? To whom should credit be extended? Dancing masters were a crucial site of enactment of this drama concerning status, highlighting both the importance of appearance and the fluidity of social standing. It was no longer enough to simply be rich or successful. One had to be able to project this persona, as well. Ironically, those charged with training elites in the ways of refinement were far from elite themselves (103).

The unreliability of appearance also shaped race relations. White New Yorkers relied on race to determine slave status, but they found the visible markers of race increasingly unreliable. Spanish prisoners of war challenged the longstanding notion that dark skin constituted eligibility for enslavement. Spanish sailors captured by the British refused to accept being sold into slavery when their captors would not see beyond their dark skin and recognize their status as freemen and prisoners of war. For black sailors living on the margins of competing empires, war and commerce became vehicles for enslavement (113). These accounts provide important windows into the dynamic struggle to codify racial categories as well as the centrality of labor to such debates (117, 122).

Zabin mentions the importance of ballroom heterosociability as well as the significance of “mixed sex” sociability in defining proper social interactions for elites (97). This reader was left wanting to know more about how the concept of heterosociability shaped other economic interactions between men and women. Did a failure to successfully demonstrate heterosociability affect one’s ability to navigate the gendered world of the market? While several scholars of early America have documented the relationship between economic and gendered identities (failures at the market have led to crises of masculinity in more than one study) few have extended this analysis to monetary relationships between men and women.

As a scholar of women’s crime, I was most taken by the detailed descriptions in Zabin’s chapter on the underground, extralegal, and (in her terms) “informal” economies run predominantly by poor white women and black men. The market in used and often stolen goods threatened elites for two distinct reasons: the informal economy undermined the value and “status implications” of luxury goods, and it encouraged interracial economic partnerships between black men and white women (8). While married middle- and upper-class white women were encouraged in their financial transactions, poor women were ridiculed and frequently charged, convicted, and imprisoned. Stealing, receiving, or selling stolen goods were the most common crimes women were charged with during the period, and yet participation in this economy was liberating for slaves and poor white women (80). Historians have long argued that petty theft, particularly of cloth and clothing, was motivated by necessity. Zabin notes that there was an overall increase in the value and significance of consumer goods throughout the period, and argues that we should see slaves, servants, and other poor people involved in the informal economy as consumers who were also aware of the increasing value of luxury goods on the market (66).

Social order is dynamic, unstable, and largely defined by economic rather than political forces. This take on imperial New York is refreshing—not only for its disassociation from the (not yet) pending revolution, but also for its skillful weaving of racial and gendered analysis within a larger, compelling narrative. Zabin sums up her argument, “The primacy of commerce in the British Empire, particularly within the context of a diverse and competitive Atlantic world, worked against any stiff adherence to an abstract social order” (158). The author’s writing style and deft turns of phrase make this an excellent choice for the general public and undergraduates. Its substantial archive and careful analysis make it essential for Early Americanists and feminist historians alike.




White light (goin’ messin’ up my mind)

Imagine yourself seated around the table at a séance. Imagine having already committed to an ethereal mechanics of sympathy and spirit communication. Imagine the promise of darkness and the desire to sense something beyond the shadow play of candlelight. Imagine an artist like James McNeil Whistler breathing in the scene in which silence, concentration, and spirit-seeing were requisite for success, a scene he sought to recreate in the experience of his own portraits, most strikingly in his Arrangement in Black series. In the shimmering spaces between light and dark there is, for a lack of a better phrase, a profound depth.

Artistic creation as a form of mediumship.

Now imagine standing in front of Jackson Pollack’s White Light (1954). Standing inrather than at attention. Longing to see beyond the buoyed splats and hardened rivulets of paint, into the dense measures of Pollack’s being and the very rhythm of his mid-century milieu.

The work of art as mystic portal.

Colbert seeks to illuminate an invisible depth for his readers.

There is a relationship between these experiences, argues Charles Colbert in Haunted Visions—between a century of American art, between artistic creation, spectatorship, and a tradition of appreciation in which the critic becomes a kind of psychic interpreter, expert in discerning the hidden lines of influence.

In asking how spiritualism influences a visual romanticism in nineteenth-century America, Colbert explores the precursors to a distinctly American modernism. Colbert’s understanding of spiritualism is sufficiently broad to include a host of other metaphysical schemes that inflected how a wide range of Americans assumed their position at a trance lecture or séance table—mesmerism, psychometry, phrenology, psychical research, and the radical empiricism of William James that would seek to explain such schemes or situations. There is, of course, a transcendentalist hue to all of this, but Colbert succeeds in distinguishing a tradition of nineteenth-century aesthetics from an Emersonian orbit and its afterglow.

Colbert offers a compelling catalogue of odd American artists who “advocate[d] the virtues of enchantment” (61). With an emphasis on the ideological impact of Andrew Jackson Davis and Emanuel Swedenborg, Haunted Visions offers a breezy yet fine-grained portrait of the myriad artists and critics swept up in the metaphysical flowerings of the nineteenth century. Colbert is at his best when he writes of the way in which orientations to psychic energies and magnetic powers make their way into stone, marble, and canvas.

The narrative is roughly chronological. It begins with a consideration of the “spiritualist theme” in the work of four sculptors (Hiram Powers, William Wetmore Story, Henry Dexter, and Harriet Hosmer, the latter drawing upon the principles of perpetual spirit motion for the design of a Ferris wheel that would expose riders to the possibilities of interplanetary travel). After looking into how painters William Sidney Mount and Fitz Henry Lane strove to paint the metaphysics of light in the antebellum era, Colbert moves onto postbellum tonalism and the tendency among its practitioners (James McNeil Whistler and George Inness among others) to aggressively paint the auratic energies that pervaded the natural world. The book concludes with discussions of the critic and collector James Jackson Jarves and the early twentieth-century artist Robert Henri, whose interest in clairvoyance, Colbert argues, was part of a long nineteenth-century run-up to the revolution that was American Modernism.

The gist of Colbert’s argument is that this limned tradition was integral in setting the stage for the emergence of modernist art and spectatorship. Modernist works were self-consciously dependent upon and invested in promoting higher levels of consciousness. The surfaces of these works were intended as portals to somewhere else precisely because they had captured the depth that clings to all surfaces—a macrocosmic economy of forces that was ever present but visible only to the properly initiated. “The psychic content of late nineteenth-century art,” writes Colbert, “resides beneath the surface and implies an existence that usually operates beyond the threshold of the senses. An observer attuned to the possibility enters a meditative state at the behest of these intimations and resonates sympathetically with them” (19).

Interestingly, Colbert adopts such a critical gaze when explicating the spiritualist content that underlies the works he surveys. In other words, Colbert seeks to illuminate an invisible depth for his readers, which is tantamount to his argument that spiritualism mattered, intensely mattered, for artists and audience alike.

In Colbert’s telling, spiritualism comes across as primarily about beliefs, principles, what might be called doctrine-effects. Questions of artistic practice are engaged pointedly at times and there is much to be admired in such a line of inquiry, for it reveals the presence of spiritualist proclivities in arenas not often seen as wrapped up in occult sympathies. Yet in Colbert’s rendering of spiritualism as largely a reaction against the anti-intellectualism and sensational excess of evangelical revivalism, the non-ideological life-world of spiritualism (i.e., the bat-shit crazy wonder of it all) does not often come to the fore.

Given the discursive reach of spiritualism, it would have been helpful if Colbert attended to questions of desire, affect, and how individual historical figures theorized their interiority. This would have allowed him to broach how people live out and through a metaphysics of correspondence in addition to living by it. For example, what else is going on with George Inness’s “desire to impress himself unequivocally into his compositions” other than his “belief” in the occult? What to make of how his paintings actively deny the inevitability of urbanization? How does the occult revival relate to other kinds of revival and other political registers beyond questions of religious freedom, belief, and cognition (166)?

Colbert argues that the significance of spiritualism, in general, and of spiritualist art in particular, is that both call into question theses of secularization. The persistence of spiritualism in the nineteenth century and beyond, then, demonstrates that religion, and by extension, enchantment, did not recede within the frame of modernity but existed alongside all manner of profanations. Colbert maintains that the presence of religion he unearths should surprise theorists of secularization, challenge the “secularizing bias of historians” (15), and upend Max Weber’s lament over iron-clad disenchantment.

On its face, this argument is convincing enough. Indeed, within histories of American religion, spiritualism has often been figured as a formation of rebellion—against religio-political orthodoxies, against gender hierarchies, against death itself. And while traffic in ghost-stories may always signal epistemic eccentricity, I am still left wondering what, exactly, is surprising about the cultivation of a reasoned attention that trades in concepts of creativity and genius and eternal value? What is necessarily surprising about Jarves’s notion of the “special gift” of art-seeing (rather than spirit-seeing) in which the “mysterious test of feeling . . . takes cognizance of the sentiment of the artist, his absolute individuality, by which he is himself, and none other; that which cannot be exchanged or imitated” (217)?

Colbert emphasizes the creative individualism of spiritualist practice rather than viewing it in light of cultural consolidations and incorporation. He does not ignore themes of industrialization and urbanization. Nor does he overlook artistic responses to demographic forces. But the reader yearns for a fuller discussion of how and why the artists Colbert surveys were generative of and complicit in the culture at-large. Might the kind of authentic self that Jarves celebrates become less authentic, or better yet, something else entirely, when considered in light of market directives, technological incentives, conceptual conflations of religion and freedom, and other forces that exceed the frames of cognition and intentionality? How might the language of magnetism, for example, be bound up in an encounter with an increasingly capitalized and networked society—one that allows for a robust recognition of self precisely by occluding its powers of ontological diffusion? How does one come to picture (literally and figuratively) a vibrant aura or diagnose the process of re-enchantment? What categories feed into such activities? What are the mechanics? Is enchantment merely a cognitive matter?

In my reading of Haunted Visions there is a lament coursing between the lines of Colbert’s narrative—the decline of what he calls the “tempular museum.” This lament is precipitated by the golden-age-quality of the era Colbert considers and culminates in the “awed reverence” demanded by the auratics of Mark Rothko’s No. 14 (1960) or Pollack’s White Light. There is an implicit figuration of decline in Colbert’s narrative—the spiritualist flowering of the long nineteenth century followed by an increasing numbness to spiritual depth. After Pollack and Rothko the deluge of pop art. Andy Warhol as the cynical embrace of the secular surface of things.

But I am not entirely convinced that enchantments lie only behind the screens of history and/or canvas. Indeed, surface and depth may be entirely inadequate for understanding enchantment or anything at all for that matter (the depth ever there to domesticate the unruliness above, to give some semblance of order). For in facing White Light one may hear the sounds of Ornette Coleman’s Free Jazz (1961), its gatefold album cover so perfectly capturing the synaesthetic promise of White Light and Pollock’s method of spontaneous composition. Harmonies converge ever so intensely as Pollack’s world bleeds into the Warhol world of irony and so-called detachment and, of course, into the sonic space of the Velvet Underground’s White Light/White Heat (1968), inspired, in part, by Coleman’s extended riffs and asymmetrical phrasing in Free Jazz. There is a density and compulsion to all this signal static. The surface becoming the depth and vice versa in a continuous shimmering implosion—the audience at home, longing to clarify, to collect, to own a copy (paintings being long out of reach, original vinyl pressings now do the trick).

It is this contemporary experience of vibrant matter that Colbert addresses through his pre-history of an American art. As Colbert writes of the spiritualist will to domesticate—”By taking possession of paintings, one raised the prospect of being possessed by those same paintings” (227). Indeed, this central claim is spot-on. The shadow play of spiritualism persists in our contemporary moment, suffusing our desire for objects that are really real, things anchored, forever, in a world that goes beyond, so far beyond, those flat schemes of representation. Such schemes must, to their detriment, still the circulation and distinguish art from experience, life from death. The end result, one surmises, is the contemporary art market with its blend of bourgeois frivolity, Victorian fetishism, and bewilderment in the face of such a dense cultural ecology. So that when you walk into a room in which White Light hangs, you may be peppered with a palpable spirit of the age—burnt metal circulations of money and sex, feedback, and all manner of spectral splatter.

 

This article originally appeared in issue 12.4.5 (September, 2012).


John Lardas Modern teaches in the Religious Studies Department at Franklin & Marshall College. He is the author of Secularism in Antebellum America (2011), The Bop Apocalypse: The Religious Visions of Kerouac, Ginsberg, and Burroughs (2001), and co-curator of Frequencies: A Collaborative Genealogy of Spirituality.




Outsourced History

In 1789, when Virginia held its first congressional election under the recently ratified Constitution, residents of the state’s Fifth Congressional District experienced what may still be the greatest contest for a seat in the House of Representatives in American history. James Monroe, a distinguished veteran of the Revolutionary War and an accomplished politician, faced off against James Madison, chief author of the Constitution and a political powerhouse in his own right. The election did more than pit two renowned and eminently qualified candidates against one another. The candidates also offered two competing visions of America’s future. Madison supported a vigorous federal government, while Monroe represented the Anti-Federalist cause of decentralization. The voters had to decide which direction they thought the nation should go.

Madison faced an uphill climb. Anti-Federalists dominated the statehouse in Virginia, and they wanted to keep Madison out of Congress. They drew the Fifth District with just that purpose in mind. They made sure that Madison’s congressional district contained a particularly large Anti-Federalist contingent including James Monroe, a popular figure who had recently allied with the Anti-Federalists and who could give Madison a strong challenge. The shy and socially awkward Madison remained undaunted, however, and engaged in a protracted political campaign that taxed his abilities. Both men traveled throughout the district in the midst of a particularly bad winter trying to stir up support for their respective causes. They also engaged in long public debates in churches and public squares. The power of the new federal government to levy a direct tax on states seemed to be the key issue that divided the men. In the end, Madison prevailed by 336 votes, thanks to Baptists and other dissenters who rewarded him for his earlier support for religious freedom.

Later in life, Madison joked that he was lucky to win. Poor weather on Election Day had deterred a large contingent of his opponents from traveling to the polls, he said. The story may be apocryphal. Although 336 votes implies a razor-close margin to our modern senses, in reality, Madison received 57 percent of the total vote—meaning that the election was not quite as close as it might appear. True, Madison remained uncertain of the election’s outcome until the very end, and many believed he might lose. Historians have largely affirmed his anxieties in their retelling of the race, but the results suggest he enjoyed a decisive victory, perhaps more than he recognized at the time or historians have since. Indeed, as Monroe reported to Thomas Jefferson after the election, Madison “prevail’d by a large majority of about 300.”

Still, the story of this election is compelling in its own right, and its significance to the early national period makes it even more so. In Philadelphia, Madison became a leading figure in the first Congress. He played a central role in establishing the protocols and procedures by which the new government and its branches would operate. He began as a close confidante of Washington before spearheading the formation of the first party system in opposition to the policies of the Washington administration.

It is fair to say that had the election in Virginia’s Fifth District gone the other way, the nation’s early political history would have been considerably altered. Many assumed that if Madison lost the congressional election, Washington would have appointed him to an office within the executive branch. That would have made for a substantially changed Madison and First Congress. Serving in Congress freed Madison to chart his own political path, to help pass the Bill of Rights, and to organize an opposition to Washington. Madison would have been in a far different political position had he served directly under Washington, and Congress would have operated much differently without Madison among its leaders.

Chris DeRose sets out to tell the story of this pivotal election in Founding Rivals: The Bill of Rights and the Election that Saved a Nation. DeRose, a political consultant and attorney, brings his professional background to bear in his analysis of the Madison-Monroe congressional contest. The book, however, devotes remarkably little time to the election or to the personal rivalry between Madison and Monroe. The election and its aftermath, ostensibly the subjects of the book, receive only about fifty pages of attention in the book’s strongest two chapters. Given DeRose’s insider experience with partisan politics, one imagines he could have provided much insight on how early party machinations shaped the growing rivalry between Madison and Monroe in the years that followed 1789. Unfortunately, the full story of this rivalry and its reconciliation remains untold. Instead, DeRose spends over half the book tracing out the family and personal histories of both men and detailing their activities in the Revolutionary era. DeRose never delves deeply into the minds or personalities of either man, and his analysis lacks the sophistication of similarly themed books like Stuart Leibiger’s Founding Friendships and Joseph Ellis’s Founding Brothers. That is unfortunate, because the Madison and Monroe relationship is complicated, important, and overlooked.

The bulk of DeRose’s analysis focuses on the minutia of their correspondence, providing what seems to be an almost letter-by-letter account of what each man said to the other. Although DeRose argues that this correspondence reveals a deep personal friendship, his evidence suggests that their connection before 1789 stemmed from political expediency. They wrote to one another with regularity, but they rarely, if ever, met. Their correspondence often relayed important political information, but it seldom turned personal.

Indeed, what is most remarkable about their early relationship is how their paths diverged. Monroe served as a lieutenant during the Revolutionary War; Madison served in the Continental Congress. Monroe studied law and traveled to France after he left the service, while Madison served in the first session of the Confederation Congress. When Madison left Congress because of term limits and returned to the Virginia House of Delegates, Monroe left the House of Delegates and headed off to Congress. Madison attended the Constitutional Convention, while Monroe stewed in the Virginia summer heat. Although DeRose speculates on when the two men may have met for the first time, the only time he actually puts them in the same room was when they campaigned against one another in 1789.

Though DeRose tends to treat the two as equals, his evidence often makes Madison appear the more powerful of the two before 1789, and Monroe seems to try to use Madison’s greater stature for his personal benefit. Monroe initiated their correspondence in 1784, when Madison was in Congress and Monroe was just entering the world of politics as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates. Monroe doubtless knew that such a connection would help ingratiate him in more elite circles. Monroe’s sense of the relationship as one of political opportunism comes through in a letter he wrote to Thomas Jefferson after learning that Virginia’s governor, Edmund Randolph, excluded Monroe from the state’s delegation to the Constitutional Convention. He confided to Jefferson that he held Madison at least partly responsible for the snub: “Madison, upon whose friendship I have calculated, whose views I have favored, and with whom I have held the most confidential correspondence since you left the continent, is in strict league with him [Randolph]” (147).

DeRose ends his book with the First Congress. Unfortunately, this choice omits the most interesting part of the Madison-Monroe relationship, which became more profound and complicated as early national politics increasingly drew them together. For instance, after Monroe lost the congressional election, Virginia’s legislature sent him to Congress as their senator in 1790 when a vacancy occurred. There, he worked with Madison to help form an opposition to Washington and his Federalists backers. In Jefferson’s administration, Madison served as secretary of state, while Monroe served as a diplomat. The rivalry first forged in the congressional election reemerged at moments throughout these years, even though (or perhaps because) they often worked toward common political ends. The rivalry reached a new height in 1808 when Monroe supporters in Virginia tried once again to foil Madison’s rise by asking Monroe to run for president against him. Only in 1810, at Jefferson’s behest, did the two men reconcile. Monroe then served under Madison as the secretary of state and became Madison’s heir apparent. In other words, the real rivalry—and better story—comes after the 1789 election, not before.

In the end, this book’s enormous potential is unrealized. DeRose reveals a limited knowledge of the era and indeed of his two subjects. He offers scant analysis of events. We learn little of the inner workings of Madison and Monroe. DeRose’s narrative too often consists of paragraphs containing a single introductory sentence followed by a long quotation. His footnotes do not cite many of the major recent works on the era. Lance Banning, Drew McCoy, Stanley Elkins and Erick McKitrick, all specialists in this era who have published extensively on its political culture, are not mentioned. As Richard Labunski has pointed out elsewhere, though, DeRose may have relied on some recent books without proper citation. Instead, the sources DeRose does cite are mostly an odd assortment of older books. There are also occasional incorrect transcriptions; for instance, DeRose quotes a “country” when it is in fact “county.” (241) In matters large and small, then, there is room for improvement.

As I came to terms with the shortcomings of this book, I found that I thought less about America’s founding and more about the current state of the discipline. Regnery History, a new publishing venture of the prominent conservative publishing house Regnery, produced this book. To its credit, the book does not carry any overt agenda. It aims, instead, to tell a good story, which seems to be Regnery’s main purpose with this new venture. Regnery’s investment in this imprint (at a time when most university presses are cutting back) and DeRose’s relative success suggests that there is an audience hungry for books on this subject matter. And, as someone who teaches political history, I can attest to the need for such books.

Even if this book will never find its way into my curriculum (I had hoped that it might), there are nonetheless important lessons learned from reading it. DeRose shows a passion for storytelling and a desire to find and share largely overlooked stories that will appeal to general readers. But he comes up short in his execution. Perhaps in his next book DeRose can integrate more recent scholarship to realize his work’s full potential.

If DeRose would benefit from learning the methods of and knowledge produced by scholars, then perhaps some professional historians can embrace DeRose’s ambition to reach wider audiences. Professional historians often ignore, if not outright dismiss, such works of popular history. In the process, we, as a discipline, have essentially outsourced such storytelling to non-professionals. This is unfortunate, because compelling stories deserve to be told well, and poorly sourced history is not really history at all.